The Niculescu Government, midwifed by Grindeanu and Bolojan

In the negotiations to form the Luca Niculescu government, the country's stability has many proponents, yet committing to it comes with caveats. The meetings held yesterday by PSD and PNL leaders with Prime Minister-designate Luca Niculescu revealed a situation where each party acknowledges the need for a functional executive while remaining keenly aware of the risks to their own political standing. Sorin Grindeanu calls for a shift in economic policy and for Liberal participation in the government. Ilie Bolojan leaves the door open for an investiture vote but refuses to return to a cabinet alongside the PSD. Luca Niculescu must now turn these positions into an agreement capable of enduring beyond the parliamentary vote.

Sorin Grindeanu, the PSD president, clarified right from the start-following his meeting with the Prime Minister-designate-that the Social Democrats do not support a technocratic government; at the same time, however, he was quick to add: "We are not interested in positions." Nevertheless, the PSD leader insisted that the party's ten priorities for the future government-approved in August at Sinaia-must be reflected in the governing program. These are statements that, when viewed together, warrant closer scrutiny than their solemn tone might suggest. In other words, the PSD is not interested in specific offices, but rather in the policy program, the government's political makeup, and the identity of its partners; Sorin Grindeanu has explicitly called for the PNL and UDMR to be involved in the political framework underpinning the proposed Niculescu Cabinet. This condition stems more from electoral considerations than institutional ones: difficult decisions are easier to defend when responsibility is shared among multiple parties, just as the political costs of governing become easier to distribute.

Following the meeting with Luca Niculescu, PNL President Ilie Bolojan stated that the Liberals had decided against governing alongside the PSD, adding: "The PNL is open to voting to install this government."

These two statements outline a clear political offer: the Liberals might consider voting to invest the cabinet while remaining outside the Executive branch itself. In effect, Ilie Bolojan offers a genuine way to break the current deadlock, yet his stance carries an obvious electoral advantage: the PNL can claim credit for helping install the Niculescu government while retaining the freedom to criticize its decisions later on.

Given these circumstances, the distinction between a majority for investiture and a majority for actual governance is crucial for Luca Niculescu. After meeting with the PNL, the Prime Minister-designate emphasized the need for support that would also ensure the Executive's ongoing functionality. He acknowledged that the PSD's request for the PNL to join the government had not secured the Liberals' agreement.

There is also room for an economic compromise. Ilie Bolojan stated that deficit targets must be met, while leaving room for discussion regarding the means to achieve them. Adjusting certain social measures can be compatible with budgetary discipline, provided the costs and funding sources are clearly outlined. The PSD must explain how it intends to pay for the requested changes, while the PNL must evaluate alternatives based on their economic and social impact.

What is certain is that the budget revision and the preparation of the 2027 budget-identified by Luca Niculescu as urgent priorities for his cabinet-will quickly force the parties to clarify their positions. That is when we will see the extent of commitment within the majority demanded by Grindeanu and the actual support behind the openness announced by Bolojan. The budget process has the advantage of reducing ambiguity: every promise requires an allocation, every allocation requires a funding source, and every project requires votes.

Luca Niculescu should not become an easy target for contradictions that the parties have yet to resolve. His duty is to negotiate a viable program and assemble a competent team. The PSD and PNL have an obligation to state how much of this framework they are willing to support when difficult decisions arise. Otherwise, the future prime minister risks leading a government with many players involved in policymaking but only one target for public discontent; power would be negotiated in party headquarters, while the burden of accountability would be dumped entirely on Victoria Palace.